US cowboys try to rein in Central America
By Ronald Chavez
In an anticipated move, the Conference of Central American Armed Forces (CFAC) - composed of El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua - announced in early October it had placed troops "at the disposal" of the United States for the "war on terrorism". According to a CFAC communique', each of the four countries is prepared to send 29 soldiers and one officer for missions of "rescue and special contingencies" if the United States asks for them. Without concealing his pride, Guatemalan Defense Minister General Eduardo Arevalo announced that "the soldiers from his country would be counterinsurgency specialists."
After September 11, the most evident aspect of the new political situation in Central America has been the display of the ongoing - and now more clear - intervention of the U.S. in domestic politics. Using its ambassadors, the U.S. has been pushing to make the War on Terrorism the top priority for Central American governments.
El Salvador was the first country to respond to the U.S. call. Since September 11, the Salvadorean government has used false allegations of union members' links to terrorism to dismiss workers. On September 15, in a commando style operation the Salvadorean army occupied the international airport (Comalapa) and the main marine port (Acajutla).
The morning after the military operation more than 300 workers of the airport and port terminals were fired, including several union leaders. Next, the U.S. ambassador accused the leftist FMLN - the main political opposition party - of having links to terrorist organizations. The smear campaign continued with the firing of 45 union members of SUTTEL, the union of the privatized telephone company, and one of the most militant and progressive unions in El Salvador. Also, several members of the Union of Workers of the Salvadorean Social Security Institute (STISSS) were fired. STISS has denounced the campaign to defame the union as the Salvadorian government prepares to privatize the Social Security System.
In Nicaragua, U.S. interference in the country's internal affairs has grown out of proportion. The U.S. has sustained a campaign of fear to stop the leftist FSLN from winning the presidential elections of November 4, which would mark its return to power after a decade of conservative pro-U.S. governments.
After a meeting between Nicaraguan Foreign Minister Francisco Aguirre and U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, the U.S. State Department issued a statement accusing the FSLN of "having ties to supporters of terrorism and of seizing people's property without compensation."
U.S. Ambassador to Nicaragua Oliver Garza has publicly supported and campaigned for Enrique Bolanos, presidential candidate of the rightwing ruling Liberal Constitutionalist Party (PLC). The fear campaign implemented by the U.S. and the PLC to persuade Nicaraguans to vote against the FSLN includes one advertisement showing photographs of Osama bin Laden, with a caption saying that if bin Laden could vote in Nicaragua, he would vote for Ortega, the FSLN presidential candidate. Only days away from the elections, Florida Governor Jeb Bush published an open letter in Spanish in local Nicaraguan newspapers saying "Daniel Ortega is an enemy of all that the United States represents." The governor's letter added "He (Ortega) is also a friend of our enemies."
It seems history is destined to repeat itself once again, as in the 1990 presidential election when the U.S. forced Nicaraguans to vote against the FSLN or face harsh economic sanctions. In 2001, the U.S. is again telling Nicaraguans to vote against the FSLN or face increased poverty.
Worried about a possible FSLN victory, in a secret auction at an undisclosed location in Managua on August 31, the right wing Nicaraguan government sold a 40 percent share of the state-owned telephone company - Empresa Nicaraguense de Telecomunicaciones (ENITEL) - to the Swedish-Honduran consortium Telia AB Swedtel/EMCE for $83.2 million. According to the conservative British Financial Times, "the government was under heavy pressure" from the IMF to sell before the elections.
In another move to undermine a possible win by the FSLN, documents released Oct. 2 show that the IMF has decided that Nicaragua has failed to comply with their demands to slash government spending, pull money out of circulation and privatize public utilities. As a result, the institution has suspended Nicaragua's debt relief program indefinitely, which will force the newly elected government to renegotiate social and economic policies with the IMF.
The September 11 attacks on the U.S. are being used by right wing forces of Central America to unleash a war against organized labour, popular movements and opposition political parties. At the same time, the U.S. is playing a dangerous game of interference in the internal politics of Central America, pushing the "war on terrorism" agenda on a region where the World Food Program estimates that 1.5 million families are threatened with hunger resulting from a severe drought that shows no sign of relenting. Now, more than ever, the future remains uncertain for millions of Central Americans.
Once again, opposing plans for the region are turning Central America into a potential conflict zone. On the one hand, the U.S. and local elite dream of securing absolute control of the region and placing personal profit as the top priority. And, on the other hand, the majority of Central Americans dream of building a peaceful future with the top priority of investing in its people - a future with dignity and social justice. This is the new battle that Central Americans will fight at the beginning of the 21st century.